It is necessary, when looking at the changes that took place in any aspect of Welsh life during the sixteenth century, to take into consideration the complexity of the sixteenth century world. Humanism was not the only movement to take ground, and did not have the monopoly on influence. In the space of a hundred years, a number of developments had occurred, which were to exercise an incredible influence on the lives of millions of people across Europe  by the death of Queen Elizabeth the first in 1603. The fifteenth century saw the discovery of the "New World", and this  influenced beliefs and intellectual understandings of Europeans, shattering the familiarity and certainly of their lives, while at the same time exciting their curiosity and hunger for knowledge. The sixteenth century brought in its wake a whole new religious outlook which challenged almost every aspect of life. The Reformation played an important role in creating a new attitude to education  as  Protestantism was a far more intellectually demanding religion than Catholicism, requiring a sound knowledge and understanding of the Scriptures. The need for competent clerics became all the more important, and as the standards of the Catholic and early Protestant clergy were not particularly high, it became apparent that a higher standard of education was necessary. On a lay level, to be able to fully participate in Protestant culture, it was necessary to be literate, and to be literate demanded at least a rudimentary education.
         Another very significant development of the fifteenth century, which was not really felt in Western Europe until the sixteenth century, was the coming of the Printing press. This "German invention" revolutionised the nature of communication in Europe. Not only did it make the mass production of texts so much easier by requiring far less man power, it also made the mass production of identical texts possible. This was significant for education and in particular scholarship.  It made textual criticism simpler and more practical, enabling scholars to communicate with each other simply by referring to the edition and page number of texts. The simultaneous development of paper also helped to reduce the cost of books, and these too developments combined allowed individual scholars to buy their own books. This undoubtedly helped their understanding of intellectual theories and debates, and also implicitly encouraged a move away from the oral/aural, scholastic education that predominated in the universities.
        These developments alone were responsible for significantly altering the  values and attitudes of individuals across Europe, and gave rise to a new culture.  It is difficult, if not impossible to determine the exact influences of each development, as the influences of each are so entangled in each other. The Reformation changed religious outlooks, but this in part stemmed from the new attitude towards man's role in society and human achievement. Also it is Arguable that Luther's arguments and opinions  would not have been able to reach such a vast audience, and thus giving inertia to the Protestant movement, had not it been for the coming of the printing press. These problem make the studying of the impact of "Humanism" on any country in the sixteenth century problematic. In Wales there is the added problem of the Acts of Union of the early sixteenth century, which provided Welshmen with new opportunities, both politically and educationally, and the accession of the "Welsh Tudors" to the throne gave an impetus to a feeling of National pride, and a fervent loyalty to the Crown.
         Before continuing to look at the impact of humanist values on Welsh life, it is perhaps necessary to look in some detail at what is meant by "humanist values" in this essay. Humanism can be interpreted in several ways. In historical writings, it is usually taken to mean the new interest in Greek and Roman civilisation by scholars in Europe, and seen as synonymous with the Renaissance which was the "re-birth" of  an interest in this Classical world. It is certainly true that scholars began to  study enthusiastically the works of Classical writers such as Cicero (the "father of the Latin eloquence" (1) ) , Aristotle and Plato, and wanted to emulate their elegant and eloquent style. Latin had long been the "lingua franca" of Europe, but its use had become rather routine and accepted. During the fifteenth and sixteenth century it gained a whole new lease of life. It received much praise and was considered, with Greek, the most sophisticated language of the known world. This interest in Greek was a new development, and owed a lot to the coming of printing. Prior to printing,  Greek works had tended to be neglected by scribes who were not familiar with the language, as they preferred to employ their efforts on more familiar territory, but printing made it possible to mass produce the language with little effort. The desire to emulate the Classical authors, changed considerably the nature of scholarship and writing amongst European scholars.  Elegance and Eloquence were now demanded in works, not  only in contents, but in styles of handwriting too. The scholastic emphasis on logic and conciseness, gave way to a "flowery", rhetorical style of writing.  In the realm of historical study, the desire to "get to the truth" was considered all important. It was no longer acceptable to passively accepts myths and legends about the past, but to actively challenge them and search for documentary evidence. The Vernacular however in the midst of all this activity was not neglected, quite the contrary, it became increasingly valued. As Italian humanists began to turn to their own language, so did humanists in other areas of Europe, and when they realized how undeveloped their native languages were, they tried to enhance the vocabulary, to enable more eloquent and elegant means of expression. As much as  the Latin language was venerated, humanists outside Italy wanted to see their own language just as exalted and esteemed. Humanists also had a more liberal approach to female education, believing that a degree of education in women, especially women with political or economic responsibilities, was necessary, but the impact was minimal. Patriarchal principles prevailed, and females were still denied access to the universities.
         & nbsp;   However, as John Stevens and Peter Burke argue, Humanism was far more than a scholarly movement. It was also a value system, embodying  ancient values, or what were believed to be ancient values. This gave rise to a whole new attitude towards politics and human social behaviour. In politics however, perhaps the humanist outlook was the most conservative.  The Classical authors may have advocated republic, classless societies, but in an overwhelmingly  monarchial, aristocratic, Europe, such theories needed to be adapted if they were to be accepted. One of the most influential political writings in sixteenth century England was Sir Thomas Elyot's, "Boke named the Governor", perhaps influenced by Castiglione's  "The Courtier". He, like other Renaissance humanists, justified hierarchy by declaring that it offered the best means of government and the best safety to the state as "that maner of governance is best approved, and hath longest continued." (2) In this work he discussed methods of governing, as well as the personal qualities governors should have, their education and their leisure activities. Rulers were expected to be just, virtuous, wise, cautious, knowledgeable and generous patrons. A sound education, incorporating language, geography and history, was seen as the basis of all good government. It ensured that leaders were fully prepared for their role, and intellectually capable of coping with decision making. Yet although the ideal Renaissance Prince was to embody  all these qualities , he was to avoid extremes in anything. He was to keep to Aristotle's "golden mean", by keeping his activities and interest varied. Humanists firmly rejected the Machiavellian principles as advocated in the "The Prince", which suggested that rulers should be exploitive, self seeking, shrewd, and opportunists.  The qualities expected in a ruler were also expected in those occupying positions of power in society, and there developed a whole new concept of gentility. In the middle ages, military prowess or wealth were considered to be the main qualifications, but in the sixteenth century, this was increasingly questioned. Civility was becoming all important. To be a brave warrior in the monarch's service was still much esteemed, as was physical agility and fitness,  but to use physical force in the settling of personal feuds was increasingly frowned upon.  Now personal disputes were expected to be settled by  more civilised methods by courts or by monarchial intervention. Also the notion of "service" changed.  Humanists advocated the idea of serving  the Commonweal, the common "good". All  actions were to be for the good of the State, and it was a sign of true gentility if a man put service to his monarch and country before all else. The rise of a new concept of gentility however, was not  entirely due  to humanist influence. The sixteenth century saw the rise of the "nouveau riches" and they challenged the position of the established nobility and gentry. There was an increasing hostility to the old gentry who seemed  not to be adequately contributing to the governing of the realm, an attitude reflected in the words of Lord Burghley, himself a self-made man, "gentility is nothing else but ancient riches." (3)  Wealth and birth status were no longer seen as the only justification for their privileged position. It be "errour and folye", wrote Sir Thomas Elyot, if you think that "nobilitie may in no wyse be but onely where men can avaunte them of auncient lignage, or auncient robe, or great possessions." (4)  Wealth and birth status were still important, but as  J. Gwynfor Jones argues were the "symbols of gentility", (5) not the basis of it. The nobility and gentry increasingly found that they had to justify their position.  They found this justification through the notion of intellectual superiority, and were thus more capable of governing the country. To prove their worth, and fulfill the idea of service, they  increasingly took up positions of authority in their towns, such as a Justice of the Peace or served as a member of Parliament.
         & nbsp;        Wales was very much on the periphery of Europe, both geographically and politically.  She was also a small country, one of the smallest in Europe, with a population of perhaps two or three hundred thousand . Wales had important trade connections, but otherwise was a country of minor significance except to those that lived there. Arguably in such a country as Wales, humanist values could only have a very minor impact on everyday life. To begin with, the people were not exposed to the Culture to any great extent. Wales was overwhelmingly an agricultural country. There were some urban centres of significance such as Ludlow, but even this town did not compare to such centres in London. Neither did Wales have centres of learning as had the cities of Oxford and Cambridge, which housed the prestigious  universities. In many ways it can be argued that Humanism and all it stood for passed by the Tudor men and women of Wales. However, the picture is not clear cut. When considering the influence of humanism or any movement on a given people, it is necessary to take into consideration economic and social factors. Undeniably the impact was far more pronounced on the more wealthy, literate people of society, on what Robert Redfield describes  as the "Great tradition" in contrast to the "little tradition".(6)  This is an English model,  but it equally applies to Wales.
    The ordinary folk had their own, time old culture, which was largely impermeable, and suited their lack of formal education and limited  financial means. In terms of literacy, Wales was no worse than England and it is estimated that approximately one in five of the population could read and write, but on the whole, literacy was not common amongst the poor. Thus, the culture of the lower classes was predominately oral- poems, ballads, songs, ritualistic dancing, and was a custom tinged with superstitions and paganism. Wales was one of the dark corners of the land where it was difficult for the powers that be to infiltrate. There was a conscious, active attempt by the government to assert the Protestant faith , but until the seventeenth century were largely unsuccessful. What can best be described as a "Pagan-Catholicism" prevailed. What hope then had humanists of gaining ground when there was not such a conscious attempt to make their values accessible to the lower orders ? Also it is arguable that the people of the upper classes did not want to make humanism more accessible to these people, as an educated lower class would totally undermine their justification for their privileged position.
    It is also arguable that the ordinary citizens did not really want to participate in humanist culture anyway. Humanist attitudes towards education to begin with was a concept completely alien to the farmer and his family. They laboured hard all day, in all weathers, and arguably had no real interest in education. Literacy of perhaps one family member was useful, but not considered by them essential, and when struggling often merely to subsist, what was not essential could easily be disposed of. What good was a knowledge of Classical Rome and Greece to these people ? It would play no meaningful part in their lives.  Similarly the notions of gentility advocated by Sir Thomas Elyot and Castiglione had no direct relevance to their lives. Their social position to begin with meant that they  were unlikely to be ever classed as a gentleman, and in all likelihood they would not leave their village of birth, let alone leisurely frequent the courts of nobles, much less the monarch. Also the innate conservatism of these people may have triggered a defence attitude to any "alien" set of values which differed from the familiar. There were also material factors to take into consideration. George Owen's statement that;

There is no man so pwre but for some space he setteth forth his children to schole, and such as profette in studied, sendeth them unto the universities where for the most part, they enforce them to studied the law." (7)

can only be taken so far. Some men simply were too poor to send their children to school. There may have been a number of so called "free schools", but these were only free in terms of tuition fees. Parents still;

"...had to face the expense of books, candles and writing equipment, while if a child was placed in a grammar school at some distance from his home there was board and lodgings to be paid for." (8)

On top of this, the family would have to go without the money the child would earn in the meantime.
         & nbsp; It is perhaps  even questionable as  to what extent the lower classes were even familiar with the concepts of the new learning. Apart from a few area of concentrated populations, the population was widely dispersed. Many villages were small, and there were a number of farmsteads isolated in the distant hills. Apart from the occasional business or neighbourly contact, these people would have little knowledge of  what was going on outside their local area. It could take days or even weeks for the knowledge of a major national event, such as the death of a monarch, to reach them. Hidden away in relative obscurity, it is unlikely that such people were familiar with humanist values. In all likelihood, the families were likely to be ignorant that there was even a Renaissance occurring. They had no knowledge of the scholarly activity at Elizabeth's court, or the colourful dramatic activities of London. London was a world away. Even the more practical elements of the Renaissance such as architectural influences did not really touch them until the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Arguably even the more urbanised areas of Wales, and those areas privileged enough to house a school, were only limitedly touched by humanism. It is likely that the people of these areas too remained unfamiliar with the inns and outs of the "bookish learning", if only because books were beyond the financial capacity of most families. If  they could hardly afford to buy the "Holy book", they were surely not going to spend their hard earned money on less worthy material such as Latin works and Conduct books.   An added problem with the lower orders was the likelihood of them being monoglot Welsh. The more urbanised areas were probably more bi-lingual, but for the majority of commoners, the English publications would be of little, if any use, anyway.
       The case was rather different for the upper classes of society. As has been implied, financial wealth was a prime requisite of Renaissance humanism.  Also one aspect that is sometimes overlooked is that of time. It took time to acquire knowledge, many hours of study. The lower classes arguably did not have this time. Work was hard, and to get the most from the land, especially in areas where the quality of the land was rather poor, they had to work every hour of day light they could. They would be too tired in the evenings to bury their heads in the books, and arguably could not afford the candles needed. The gentry had both the financial capacity and the time to educate themselves. Increased wealth in society also  meant that a larger proportion of the population was able to afford to educate their sons, and this perhaps partly explains the rise of endowed grammar schools in Wales, such as Bangor (1557), Ruthin (1574), Botwnog (1616), and Wrexham  (1603)(9),  although arguably this was also due to the Reformation, which had annihilated the contribution to education made by the monasteries. The Welsh gentry, also made use of the rather more highly regarded English schools, such as Shrewsbury or Winchester. One thing is clear. In keeping with humanist values, the Welsh gentry increasingly sought a good education for their sons. Also humanist ideas of gentility took a firm hold during Elizabeth's reign. Elizabeth's court itself was a fine example of cultivated, accomplished men, reflecting the main ethos of humanism. Welsh men attending the Court were undoubtedly influenced by the accomplishments they saw there, and then tried to emulate them in their own lifestyles and households. Their houses became increasingly more magnificent, reflecting the humanist notion of elegance in surroundings, and their gardens increasingly came to provide for entertainments such as Tennis or Bowls, in keeping with the notion of cultivating the body as well as the mind.
         Another aspect of gentility, and one that was employed in Wales, was to be a generous patron. It has been argued that Bardism deteriorated in the face of the new learning, but if it did take somewhat of a backseat, it continued nonetheless.  The gentry continued to patronise the bards, and they could be found in some of the minor Welsh courts. There were not many courts, but those such as Richard Davies's  Episcopal Palace at Abergwili, the Salusbury's home at Llaweni, the Wynns at Gwydir, and St.Donats when owned by the Stradlings, were a haven for scholars, housing clerics, men of letters, and poets.  Even in England, Dr. John Dee, Queen Elizabeth's astrologer of Welsh origin, opened the door of his London residence to Welsh humanists of all professions and stations in life. Dr. John Dee also had one of the greatest libraries in the country, housing some four thousand books. (10) The praise the bards gave their patrons are also evidence of the infiltration of humanist values into Welsh high life. They praised their wisdom, righteousness, generosity, knowledge and their education. Of course their words are no reliable indication as to what degree certain members of the Welsh gentry lived up to the ideal, as it is certain that  the praise bestowed on them were exaggerated, but it does emphasise that they were at least familiar with the ideals. Some members of the gentry also acted as benefactors. Thomas Wynn of Melai in Denbighshire, for example, bequeathed a large sum which went towards maintaining scholars from the Denbighshire, Flintshire area.
     The Welsh scholars firmly took up the patriotic elements of  European humanism. It is true that a considerable number of them may have been "anglicised" by their stay in England, and W.P Griffith argues that;

"The fact that there were no native universities or large urban communities to nurture academics and scholars meant that the humanist values of the age shone in Wales through the prism of the English experience." (11)

but a significant proportion were considerably concerned about their Welsh heritage and Culture, and wanted to see the language as acclaimed as Latin and Greek. It was not necessarily because they dismissed Welsh language that they wrote in Latin, but because this was the language that all "serious writers wanting an international reading universally wrote in."  (12) It would not have been an expedient career move to write only in their native tongue as few people would understand it. However, the interest individual Welsh scholars took in their Welsh heritage can be seen in that they wrote about the merits of the Welsh language, culture and history in this tongue, hoping to raise it's status and put it on a par with Latin and Greek. In 1590, for example, Sion Dafydd Rhys wrote his Cambrobrytannicae Cymraecaeve Linguae Institutiones, which was a Welsh Grammar, and hoped that knowledge of the language would spread. (13)
         & nbsp;   The Welsh had good reason to be proud of their heritage. There was attached to Wales three powerful myths, which linked the country with the glories of ancient Rome and Greece; the myths of Samothes, Saint Joseph of Arimathea and Brutus.  Of these, the myth of Brutus was the most honoured, and during the sixteenth century became of paramount importance to Welsh scholars.   Geoffrey on Monmouthshire, in his  twelfth century book, Historia Regum Britanniae. Had declared that the true Britons were the Welsh, who were descended from Brutus, of Rome.  This was believed by a significant proportion of  Welsh population and seized with enthusiasm by the Welsh humanists as it gave Wales and Welsh Culture an impressive  connection with Classical Rome. In 1534, however, Polydore Virgil's book Anglica historia shattered this Welsh claim to fame. He utterly condemned the Brutus theory, saying it had no basis in fact as there were no Roman documents to suggest that Brutus had even existed. Welsh humanists jumped to Geoffrey's defence, and for  the next fifty years or so, were busy trying to justify the myth, the most sustained and accomplished work being  that of Sir John Prise of Breconshire. This rather blindly zealous defence of Geoffrey and his work however, hampered the humanist advance amongst the scholars, as they were not incorporating the idea of historical truth laying completely in documents. As R. Geraint Gruffydd states, "they could not bring themselves to apply the criteria to the study of the remote Welsh and British past." (14) However, it is likely that not all scholars of Welsh origin were blinded by patriotic zeal, and were able to look at their history from a more objective perspective. Dr. David Powel for example was most eager to keep from such biased investigation, and argued that;

"...the task of treating the restoration and renovation of this history must be entrusted to wise and moderate men who would be able to account for their own view, to refute the fallacious reasons of their opponents, and to perceive and maintain what is true." (15)

However, one activity of the  humanists  which did exercise a profound influence on Welsh life for the next two centuries,  was the translation of the Scriptures into Welsh. This event has rightly been praised by historians. This partly developed out of necessity. Attempts to convert the Welsh to the new faith were failing, and it was apparent that the only way to success was to provide the people of Wales with the Bible in their own language. In 1567 William Salesbury (arguably the greatest of all Welsh humanists, even if only in terms of output) published his Welsh translation of the New Testament and Book of Common Prayer. In the eventful year of 1588, a full translation of the Scriptures appeared, translated by William Morgan. This was as R. Geraint Gruffydd  argues, a triumph of both Protestantism and Humanism in Wales. It was Protestantism that gave the incentive, and humanist education that made it possible. Now at last  this began to make Protestantism accessible to the monoglot Welsh men, women and children.  There was still a long way to go, and the Welsh could not fully participate in Protestant culture until they could fulfill the one essential requirement, Bible study, but the influence  of a Welsh version of the Scriptures was immeasurable. Even if people could not read, they could at least listen as the word of God was read to them in their own tongue. Now they could begin to understand what was expected of them and begin to emulate Christian principles in their lives.  The Welsh Bible was also important in a another respect. It helped to "save" the language for future generations, and also lead to its standardisation. Dr. Isaac Thomas argues that;

"Without this Welsh Bible the Welsh language would gradually but surely have disappeared fro the churches, from the parishes and from the land." (16)

         & nbsp;        It can be seen therefore, that in all, the impact of Humanist values on Welsh life before 1640 was limited. It did however influence quite significantly the lives of the wealthy. By the reign of Elizabeth, the influence was beginning to show amongst the Welsh scholars and gentry who had the financial means to educate themselves and buy the books necessary to familiarise themselves with the more practical aspects of Humanist culture, such as notions of gentility and civility.  Welsh scholarly output was not great in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries compared to the number of works produced by other countries, but the works that do exist, show a knowledge and understanding of the Classics, and a familiarity with the works of other prominent European humanists.   However, the influence on the lower orders was minimal. The farmers, labourers and their families had little contact with the ideas and works of the scholars, being for the most part illiterate, and even in they were caught up in the wave of educational enthusiasm of the period, lacked the financial means to educate their sons.  It was not until the late eighteenth century and the nineteenth, that such people began to appreciate the value of education, but even then illiteracy was high amongst the poorer classes, and educational opportunity determined by the social position of parents. However, the humanism of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries brought to Western European civilisation a whole new positive attitude towards education, which over the centuries benefitted Wales. It introduced notions of civility and gentility, which ultimately contributed to the increased sophistication of governing methods; it gave Wales the Scriptures in her native tongue which helped the advance of Protestantism in the country as well as the survival of the language;  led to improvements in standards of life, as increased knowledge gave rise to technological and scientific developments; and finally in the nineteenth century, gave Wales her own centres of learning, the universities.
 
 

Bibliography

1.  Sydney Anglo, "Our extremist shift is to work by policy; William Thomas and early Tudor Machiavellism" T.H.S.C (1984).

2.  Fritz Caspari, Humanism and the Social Order in Tudor England (Chicago, 1954)

3.  Ceri Davies, Latin Writers of the Renaissance (University of Wales Press on behalf of Welsh Arts Council, 1981)

4.  Ceri Davies,  "The 1588 translation of the Bible and the world of Renaissance learning" Ceredigion (11)

5.  Gareth Alban Davies, Crosscurrents, commercial, cultural and religious in Hispano-Welsh relations,  1480-1630 T.H.S.C (1985)

6. Maria Dowling, Humanism in the Age of Henry VIII (London, 1986)

7.  Alistair Fox,  Reassessing the Henrician Age  (New York, 1986)

8.  David Fraser, The Adventurers : Wales in History III 1485-1760 (University of Wales  Press Cardiff, 1970)

9.  Anthony Goodmans and Angus Murray, (ed.), The Impact of Humanism on Western Europe (London, 1990)

10.  W.P. Griffith, "Schooling and Society" in J. Gwynfor Jones, (ed.), Class Community and Culture (Cardiff, 1989)

11.  W. P. Griffith Civility and Reputation Ideas and Images of the Tudor man in Wales.  (Bangor University of Wales, 1995)

12.  W. P. Griffith, Learning, Law and Religion : Higher Education and Welsh Society c.1540- 1660 (Cardiff, 1992)

13.  R. Geraint Gruffydd, The Renaissance and Welsh Literature, in Glanmor Williams and Robert Owen Jones, Celts and the Renaissance (Cardiff, 1989).

14. Philip Jenkins, The History of Modern Wales 1536-1990 (London, 1992)

15.  Gareth Elwyn Jones, Modern Wales (Cambridge, 1994)

16.  J. Gwynfor Jones, "Concepts of Order and Gentility" in J. Gwynfor Jones, (ed.), Class Community and Culture (Cardiff, 1989).

17.  Stanford. E. Lehmberg, Sir Thomas Elyot - Tudor Humanist (Austin, 1960).

18.  Rosemary O'Day, Education and Society 1500-1800 (London, 1982)

19.  D. M. Pallister, The Age of Elizabeth (London, 1992)
 

20.  Joan Simon "Education and Society in Tudor England 1500 - 1700", Past and Present  (1966)

21.  Hugh Thomas, A History of Wales (Cardiff University Press, 1972)

22.   W. S. K. Thomas Tudor Wales (Llandysul, 1983)

23.  Glanmor Williams, Renewal and Reformation : Wales 1415-1642 (Oxford, 1993)
 
 
 

Endnotes

1.  Sir Thomas Elyot, The Boke named the Governor, in  Stanford. E. Lehmberg,  Sir Thomas Elyot - Tudor Humanist (Austin, 1960), p.60.

2.   Sir Thomas Elyot, The Boke named the Governor, cited in Ibid., p.42.

3.  Lord Burghley, cited in  J. Gwynfor Jones, "Concepts of Order and Gentility" in  J. Gwynfor Jones, (ed.), Class Community and Culture (Cardiff, 1989), p.126.

4.  Sir Thomas Elyot, The Boke named the Governor, cited in Stanford. E. Lehmberg,  Sir Thomas Elyot - Tudor Humanist  (Austin, 1960), p.67.

5.    J. Gwynfor Jones, "Concepts of Order and Gentility" in  J. Gwynfor Jones, (ed.), Class Community and Culture (Cardiff, 1989), p.134.

6.  D. M. Pallister, The Age of Elizabeth (London, 1992), p.413.

7.  George Owen of Henllys, cited in W.S.K Thomas, Tudor Wales (Llandysul, 1983), p.190.

8.  K. Wrightson, English Society 1580-1680 (London, 1982), p.186.

9.  Glanmor Williams, Renewal and Reformation Wales : 1415-1642 (Oxford, 1993), p.433.

10.  D. M. Pallister, op. cit., p.415.

11.   W. P. Griffith, Learning, Law and Religion : Higher Education and Welsh Society c.1540- 1660 (Cardiff, 1992), p.387.

12.  D. M. Pallister, op. cit.,  p.416.

13.  Ceri Davies, Latin Writers of the Renaissance (University of Wales Press on behalf of Welsh Arts Council, 1981).

14.  R. Geraint Gruffydd, The Renaissance and Welsh Literature, in Glanmor Williams and Robert Owen Jones, Celts and the Renaissance (Cardiff, 1989), p.22.

15.  Dr. David Powel, De Britannica Historia Recte intelligencia et lum Romanis Scriptoribus Reconcilianda, cited in Ceri Davies,  Latin Writers of the Renaissance (University of Wales Press on behalf of Welsh Arts Council, 1981), p.26.

16.  Dr. Isaac Thomas (1988), cited in Ceri Davies,  "The 1588 translation of the Bible and the world of Renaissance learning" Ceredigion (11), p.4.
 

ESSAY BY HEATHER THOMAS ©